Peace continues to prevail in Nagaland! Assam rifles are ensuring the same!

By M S Nazki

The Assam Rifles and the Naga Peace Process: A Balancing Act – Evaluating their involvement in facilitating peace talks between the Indian government and Naga insurgent groups

-National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Isak-Muivah

The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was formed on January 31, 1980 by Isak Chisi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and S.S. Khaplang opposed the ‘Shillong Accord’ signed by the then NNC (Naga National Council) with the Indian government. Later, differences surfaced within the outfit over the issue of commencing a dialogue process with the Indian Government and on April 30, 1988, the NSCN split into two factions, namely the NSCN-K led by S S Khaplang, and the NSCN-IM, led by Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah.

Objective

The outfit aims to establish a ‘Greater Nagaland’ (‘Nagalim’ or the People’s Republic of Nagaland) based on Mao Tse Tung’s ideology. Its manifesto is based on the principle of Socialism for economic development and a spiritual outlook – ‘Nagaland for Christ’.

-Area of Operation

The NSCN-IM primarily consists of Tangkhul Nagas who are in a majority in parts of Nagaland and the hills of Manipur. Its influence inside Manipur is restricted to the four districts of Senapati, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong. The outfit has also established its presence in Wokha, Phek, Zunheboto, Kohima, parts of Mokokchung and Tuensang districts of Nagaland. It has also been able to extend its influence to the Naga-inhabited areas of North Cachar Hills and Karbi Anglong districts of Assam and some parts of Arunachal Pradesh.

-Leadership and Structure

-Thuingaleng Muivah, the General Secretary, and Isak Chisi Swu, Chairman of the NSCN-IM are based in Thailand. I Shimray is another top leader of the outfit. Hungshi is the ‘press and publicity secretary’ of the group. The outfit also has a military wing — the Naga Army, comprising one brigade and six battalions. There are also several ‘town commands’ and specialised mobile groups. S Hungshi is the ‘Commander-in-Chief’ of the Naga Army.

-Kraibo Chawang is the ‘Deputy Kilonser (cabinet minister), Ministry of Information & Publicity (MIP)’ and A K Lungalung is the ‘Home Minister’ (Kilo-Kilonser) of the outfit. Further, while V. Horam is the ‘Deputy Home Minister’, V. S. Atem is the ‘Convener, Steering Committee’.

-On the political front, the NSCN-IM has divided its area of influence into 11 regions, which are organised primarily on tribal considerations. In many areas, it runs a parallel government. There are four major ‘Ministries’ – defence, home, finance and foreign. Besides, there are five other Ministries including education, information and publicity, forests and minerals, law and justice and religious affairs. The most prominent among the Ministries is the ‘Home ministry’, which seeks to replace the State government machinery. The heads of 11 administrative regions report to the ‘Home Minister’ (Kilo Kilonser). The ‘administration’ deepens down to the town and village levels in the NSCN-IM’s areas of influence. R H Raising and Himpa Pochury are ‘Home’ and ‘Defence’ ‘Ministers’, respectively. Angelus Shimrah is the spokesperson of the NSCN-IM.

-The outfit has also established a government-in-exile called the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland (GPRN) which interacts with formal and non-formal world bodies and media. The GPRN sends emissaries abroad to garner support and raise funds for the Naga cause.

-It has an estimated 4,500 strong cadre base. It is supported by a section of Aos, Semas, Zeilangs, Anals, Maos and Manipur-based Tangkhul Nagas.

-The NSCN (IM) has been passing its annual budget to the tune of Rs 200 million to Rs 250 million each year.

-Drug trafficking from Myanmar is reported to be a major source of income for the NSCN-IM, and it also reportedly engages in extortion, bank robberies and other criminal pursuits to obtain finance. In addition, the outfit generates funds through international mobilization. Both the NSCN-IM and the NSCN-K run parallel structures of ‘taxation’ (extortion) throughout the regions that they dominate.

-Over the years, the NSCN-IM has developed extensive linkages both within India and outside, and has also been receiving substantial assistance from neighbouring countries. The form of this assistance ranges from supply of arms and ammunition and other logistical support, to provision of safe havens, camping and training facilities. Till 1971, the US was a major provider of arms, finance and intelligence. The erstwhile East Pakistan had also provided assured supplies of money and arms, Till the late 1980s, China also provided support to the organisation. Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) now provides a large component of finance, arms and logistic support to the NSCN-IM.

-The NSCN-IM has linkages with the Naga groups operating in Myanmar, and drug trafficking from Myanmar is a major source of income.

-NSCN-IM uses money earned through narcotics trade to buy arms and also pay for training of their cadres. The outfit also runs camps for training other militant outfits on a purely mercenary basis. They have established reliable contacts for arms procurement in Thailand and other Southeast Asian nations, and have very well established links for transportation through Bangladesh and Myanmar. With the funds generated through its various financial operations, as well as from aid provided by the ISI, the NSCN-IM has purchased large stocks of Chinese AK rifles, machine guns, mortars and explosives from black markets in South East Asian and Bangladesh.

-Prior to his arrest by Thai authorities in January 2000, Muivah was spotted in Karachi and was believed to have visited some other places as well in Pakistan, besides having met various people there. He was arrested at Bangkok on arrival on a flight from Karachi for travelling on a fake South Korean passport.

-A top-NSCN-IM functionary was reportedly dispatched to strike a deal with Chinese officials in the Kuming province to provide them with a ‘major arms consignment’; and the NSCN-IM was pleading with the Chinese to use their good offices to secure a passage for the consignment through the territory controlled by the Kachin rebels. Reports of February 2000 indicated that the NSCN-IM had a “full-fledged liaison office” in territories in China across the border with Arunachal Pradesh.

-The outfit has also opened up contacts with international organisations like the UN Human Rights Organisation in Geneva, Unrepresented Nations People’s Organisation (UNPO) at the Hague and the UN Working Group on Indigenous People (UNWGIP)

-Insurgents of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah group) are reportedly being trained at two camps in Pakistan.

-The NSCN (IM) has a group of its strong supporters in Thailand. Most of them operate front companies – mainly in travel and tourism, real estate and toy manufacture. The NSCN also has a large number of bank accounts in Thailand, Bangladesh and Burma.

-NSCN-IM’s weapons are smuggled from the Thai-Cambodian border. Reports indicate that Pakistani embassy officials in Thailand provide assistance to the NSCN-IM and other North-Eastern insurgent groups in procuring weapons.

-The National Socialist Council of Nagaland – Khaplang (NSCN-K) was formed on April 30, 1988, consequent to an assassination attempt on the General Secretary of what emerged as the rival outfit – NSCN (IM) – Thuingaleng Muivah. Clannish divisions among the Nagas (Konyaks and Tangkhuls) were the primary reason behind the split of the NSCN in 1988. The Konyaks formed the NSCN-K (Khaplang) under the leadership of Khole Konyak and S S Khaplang. The Tangkhul faction, the NSCN-IM (Isak-Muivah), was led by Isak Chisi Swu and T. Muivah.

-Leadership

-S S Khaplang is the Chairman of the outfit. N Kitovi Zhimomi acts as the General Secretary and Akaho Asumi is the Publicity Secretary.

-Objectives

The primary objective of the NSCN-K is the establishment of a ‘greater Nagaland’ comprising the Naga dominated areas of the neighbouring States within India, and contiguous areas in Myanmar.

-Area of Operation and Structure

The outfit is active in the eastern parts of Nagaland, as well as in the Tirap and Changlang districts of neighbouring Arunachal Pradesh.

-It has a cadre strength of approximately 2,000, with a following among the Konyaks of both India and Myanmar, the Pangmeis of Myanmar, the Aos of Mokokchung district, the Phoms and Yimchungers of Tuensang district, the Angamis, the Semas and the Lothas. It commands influence in parts of Nagaland, Tirap and Changlang districts of Arunachal Pradesh, as well as the Hemei and Pangmei settlements in Myanmar.

-The NSCN-K runs a government-in-exile called the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland, NSCN-K. The General Headquarters (GHQ) of the GPRN/NSCN-K is located in Eastern Nagaland (Myanmar). Kitovi Zhimomi is the self-styled “Prime minister of the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland”.

-For generation of finance, the group reportedly indulges in kidnapping, extortion and other terrorist activities. The NSCN-K accounted for 62 civilian and 26 security forces’ fatalities during the period 1992 to 2000, and lost 245 of its men over this period.

-But the men from Assam Rifles know both the groups and their history!

The word “Naga” is used as a collective term for several ethnic tribes living on the Himalayan Range in Northeast India, which were brought under the control of British India during the 19th century. After India’s independence, several Naga leaders tried to secede from India. In 1975, the separatist Naga National Council (NNC) renounced violence and signed the Shillong Accord with the Government of India. Some of the NNC leaders disapproved of this peace treaty: these leaders included Isak Chishi Swu of the Sumi (Sema) tribe, Thuingaleng Muivah of the Tangkhul tribe, and S. S. Khaplang. These leaders broke off from the NNC and formed the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) as a new separatist organisation. NSCN formed an underground Naga Federal Government having both civil and military wings, the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagalim (GPRN), and the Naga Army. Later, a disagreement surfaced within the group’s leaders over the issue of commencing dialogue with the Indian government. On 30 April 1988, the NSCN split into two factions; the NSCN-K led by Khaplang, and the NSCN-IM, led by Chishi Swu and Muivah. The split was accompanied by a spate of violence and clashes between the factions. In 1997, ceasefire agreements were made between the factions of the NSCN and India. Later, NSCN-K abrogated the ceasefire agreement.

On 6 April 2015, a new faction of the NSCN was formed. Y. Wangtin Konyak and P. Tikhak officially announced the formation of a new Naga political group going by the name “National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Reformation)” or NSCN-R. The decision came after Konyak, a senior minister, or Kilonser, of the NSCN-K and a personal secretary to founder Khaplang was expelled from the group after disagreements over its ceasefire agreement. The NSCN-R, wanted to continue with the ceasefire maintaining that “violence has never served a good purpose and the Naga political problem can only be resolved through peace and negotiation” while Khaplang had it abrogated because the “14 years of ceasefire between NSCN-K and India has become a mockery and futile exercise.” Opposed to militant activities, the primary agenda of the NSCN-R would be to “develop a sense of brotherhood among the Naga family and to rebuild the trust and faith among the Naga society.”

On 3 August 2015, NSCN-IM leaders Isak Swu and T. Muivah signed a framework agreement for peace with the Government of India in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Rajnath Singh, and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Also in 2015, NSCN-K became affiliated with a militia organization named the United Liberation Front of Western South East Asia (UNLFW), a united front of Northeast Indian militant groups, and shortly after broke off peace talks with the Indian government. The UNLFW carried out the 2015 Manipur ambush, in which 18 Indian soldiers were killed and 15 were wounded.

-Naga Peace Accord

The Naga Peace Accord is a peace treaty, signed, on 3 August 2015, between the Government of India, and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), to end the insurgency in the state of Nagaland in Northeast India. The Government’s interlocutor for Naga Peace Talks, R. N. Ravi signed it on behalf of the Government of India, whereas Isak Chishi Swu, Chairman and Thuingaleng Muivah, General Secretary signed on behalf of the NSCN, in presence of the Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi.

-Naga Peace Talks

The Naga peace talks refer to talks undertaken between the Indian government and the various stakeholders in Nagaland to resolve decades-old disputes. Some of these issues date back to the colonial era. According to reports, the demand for a Greater Nagaland, or Nagalim— covering Nagaland, its neighboring states and even parts of Myanmar— has been an important part of Naga nationalism. It’s a demand being made for decades, and was first crystallized via the formation of a Naga Club in 1918. The Naga Club had reportedly told the Simon Commission that the Nagas should be left alone “to determine for ourselves as in ancient times”.

On August 14, 1947, the Naga National Council (NNC) led by Angami Zapu Phizo declared Nagaland an independent state. Phizo also formed an underground Naga Federal Government (NFG) and a Naga Army in 1952, which the Indian government sought to crush by sending in the Army to Nagaland and enacting the Armed Forces (Special) Powers Act, or AFSPA.

-History

-Over the course of years, even as the insurgency continued in Nagaland, efforts were made by the government to bring the insurgents to the table.

-In 1975, a peace accord between the government and the NNC was signed. Called the Shillong Accord, according to the agreement, the NNC promised to give up arms, but several senior leaders within the NNC did not agree with the agreement and broke away to float their own factions. One such faction was the NSCN, which later split to form the NSCN(I-M) faction.

-In 1997, the NSCN(I-M) signed a ceasefire agreement with the government. The agreement ensured that while the government would not push for counter-insurgency operations against the NSCN (I-M) cadre and its leadership, the rebels on their part would not target armed forces.

-In 2015, with the Narendra Modi government firmly in power, and PM Modi’s push towards bringing an early resolution to the dispute, a framework agreement was signed, setting the stage for the ongoing peace talks.

-Framework Agreement

-Termed as “historic” by PM Modi, the agreement was signed after over 80 rounds of talks between the government and various stakeholders, but the exact details of the agreement haven’t been revealed. In a statement after the agreement was signed, the government said it has “recognised the unique history, culture and position of the Nagas and their sentiments and aspirations. The NSCN understood and appreciated the Indian political system and governance”.

-According to a report, there was discomfort within sections of Nagaland after the government decided to bring other Naga armed groups on board under the aegis of the Naga National Political Groups (NNGP). The report states that certain sections in Nagaland suspect that this was done by the government to exploit existing divisions between the Nagas.

-In August 2020, National Socialist Council of Nagaland released copies of the confidential Framework Agreement (FA). The Naga groups were insisting on changing the interlocutor R. N. Ravi. and the release of copies of agreement was a result of a chain of events that emanated from this demand. In October 2020, the current chief of NSCN-IM Thuingaleng Muivah expressed strong reservations against moving forward with the agreement in a 55 minute long interview given to Karan Thapar.

-Deadlines

The Centre’s interlocutor and Nagaland Governor RN Ravi had stated that the NSCN (I-M)’s demand for a separate flag and constitution would not be fulfilled, and had accused the organisation of delaying talks. Ravi had said the NSCN(I-M) had taken a “procrastinating attitude” to delay the settlement.

On October 28, a team of the NSCN (I-M), led by its general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and Ravi met again to discuss the possible ways of finding an “honourable” solution by resolving the sticky issue of a separate flag and Constitution for the Nagas. “The dialogue, which lasted for more than four hours, remained inconclusive and both sides agreed to meet again soon. However, a final agreement between the NSCN (I-M) and the government is unlikely to take place by October 31, 2019” an official privy to the development.

-As of October 2020, the final agreement hasn’t taken place and differences emerged out of demand for special flag, constitution, and greater Nagalim by NSCN (IM) is delaying and fatiguing the talk process.

-Impact

For one thing, the fact that the NSCN (I-M)’s idea of a Nagalim includes parts of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur has alarmed the states. Civil society organisations in the three states have stated that no compromise on their territorial integrity would be accepted. But they have reasons to be wary, since NSCN (I-M) is considered to be one of the largest rebel groups in the sub-continent with access to sophisticated weaponry, its actions are bound to affect the states in a negative manner. However, the respective state governments have decided to adopt a “wait and watch” attitude until the final peace deal is announced.

And thus peace continues to prevail in Nagaland! Assam rifles are ensuring the same!